Turkey duped the US, and Isis is reaping the rewards
The real losers of the Turkish bombing campaign are the Kurds, the only force to have effectively resisted the jihadis in Syria
President Barack Obama has assembled a grand coalition of 60 
states, supposedly committed to combating Isis, but the only forces on 
the ground to win successive victories against the jihadis over the past
 year are the ruling Syrian-Kurdish Party (PYD) and its People’s 
Protection Units (YPG). Supported by US air power, the YPG heroically 
defeated the Isis attempt to capture the border city of Kobani during a 
four-and-a-half month siege that ended in January, and seized the Isis 
crossing point into Turkey at Tal Abyad in June.
The advance of 
the Syrian Kurds, who now hold half of the 550-mile Syrian-Kurdish 
border, was the main external reason why Turkish President Recep Tayyip 
Erdogan offered the US closer cooperation, including the use of 
Incirlik, which had previously been denied. The domestic impulse for an 
offensive by the Turkish state against the Kurds also took place in June
 when the pro-Kurdish People’s Democratic Party (HDP) won 13 per cent of
 the vote in the Turkish general election, denying Mr Erdogan’s Justice 
and Development Party (AKP) a majority for the first time since 2002. By
 strongly playing the Turkish nationalist and anti-Kurdish card, Mr 
Erdogan hopes to win back that majority in a second election on 1 
November.
There are signs of a growing understanding in Washington
 that the US was duped by the Turks, or at best its negotiators deceived
 themselves when they agreed their bargain with Ankara. Senior US 
military officers are anonymously protesting in the US media they did 
not know that Turkey was pretending to be going after Isis when in 
practice it was planning an offensive against its 18 million-strong 
Kurdish minority.
Further evidence of misgivings in Washington came last week with an 
article in The New York Times entitled “America’s Dangerous Bargain with
 Turkey” by Eric S Edelman, former US ambassador to Turkey and 
under-secretary for defence policy, who is normally regarded as a 
neo-con of good standing. He accuses Mr Erdogan of unleashing “a new 
wave of repression aimed at Kurds in Turkey, which risks plunging the 
country into civil war” and he goes on to suggest that this might help 
the AKP win back its majority, but will certainly undermine the fight 
against Isis. He says: “By disrupting logistics and communications 
between the PKK in Iraq and the PYD in Syria, Turkey is weakening the 
most effective ground force fighting the Islamic State in Syria: the 
Kurds.”
In fact, there is growing evidence that the Turkish 
government has gone even further than that in weakening US allies 
opposing Isis in Syria, Arab as well as Kurd. For several years the US 
has been trying to build up a moderate force of Syrian rebels who are 
able to fight both Isis and the Syrian government in Damascus. The 
CIA-run initiative has not been going well because the Syrian military 
opposition these days is almost entirely dominated by Isis, which holds 
half Syria, the al-Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra, and the equally 
sectarian Sunni Ahrar al-Sham.
But
 in July, the US plan to create such a moderate force was humiliatingly 
knocked on the head when Jabhat al-Nusra attacked and kidnapped many of 
this US-trained force as they entered Syria from Turkey. It now seems 
certain that Nusra had been tipped off by Turkish intelligence about the
 movements of the US-backed unit known as “Division 30”. Turkey 
apparently did this because it does not want the US to have its own 
surrogate in Syria. According to an investigation by Mitchell Prothero 
of the McClatchy news organisation, citing many Syrian sources in 
Turkey, the Turkish motive was to destroy the US-run movement, which was
 intended to number 15,000 fighters targeting Isis. Its disintegration 
would leave the US with no alternative but to train Turkish-sponsored 
rebel groups whose primary aim is to topple Syria’s President Bashar 
al-Assad. The article quotes a Syrian rebel commander in the Turkish 
city of Sanliurfa, 30 miles north of the Syrian border, as saying that 
the Turks “don’t want anything bad to happen to their allies – Nusra and
 Ahrar al-Sham – along the border, and they know that both the Americans
 and the Syrian people will eventually recognise that there’s no 
difference between groups such as Nusra, Ahrar and Daesh.”
How 
does Isis itself assess the new US-Turkish accord? Its fighters may find
 it more difficult to cross the Syrian-Turkish border, though even this 
is uncertain. But it will be relieved that its most effective enemy in 
Syria, the PYD, will in future be restrained by Turkish pressure. Its 
PKK parent organisation is coming under sustained attack from Turkish 
forces in south-east Turkey and in the Qandil Mountains of Iraq.
The destruction of one of the most famous temples at Palmyra 
by Isis last week, and the decapitation of the site’s most famous 
archaeologist a few days earlier, are a show of strength and acts of 
defiance very much in the tradition of the Islamic State. The aim is to 
dominate the news agenda, which can easily be done by some spectacular 
atrocity, and thereby say, in effect, “you may hate what you are seeing,
 but there is nothing you can do to stop it”.
And this is 
demonstrably the case not just in Syria but in Iraq. Isis captured 
Ramadi, the capital of Anbar province in Iraq on 17 May and Palmyra five
 days later on 22 May. In neither case has there been an effective 
counter-attack. Isis is still winning victories where it counts, and 
faces no real threat to its existence.
The US campaign against 
Isis is failing and the US-Turkish deal will not reverse that failure 
and may make it more complete. Why did US negotiators allow themselves 
to be deceived, if that is what happened. No doubt the US air force was 
over-eager for the use of Incirlik so it would not have to fly its 
planes from Jordan, Bahrain or carriers in the Gulf.
But there is a
 deeper reason for America’s inability to confront Isis successfully. 
Ever since 9/11, the US has wanted to combat al-Qaeda-type movements, 
but without disturbing its close relations with Sunni states such as 
Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the Gulf monarchies. But it is these 
same allies that have fostered, tolerated or failed to act against the 
al-Qaeda clones, which explains their continuing success.
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