Turkey duped the US, and Isis is reaping the rewards
The real losers of the Turkish bombing campaign are the Kurds, the only force to have effectively resisted the jihadis in Syria
President Barack Obama has assembled a grand coalition of 60
states, supposedly committed to combating Isis, but the only forces on
the ground to win successive victories against the jihadis over the past
year are the ruling Syrian-Kurdish Party (PYD) and its People’s
Protection Units (YPG). Supported by US air power, the YPG heroically
defeated the Isis attempt to capture the border city of Kobani during a
four-and-a-half month siege that ended in January, and seized the Isis
crossing point into Turkey at Tal Abyad in June.
The advance of
the Syrian Kurds, who now hold half of the 550-mile Syrian-Kurdish
border, was the main external reason why Turkish President Recep Tayyip
Erdogan offered the US closer cooperation, including the use of
Incirlik, which had previously been denied. The domestic impulse for an
offensive by the Turkish state against the Kurds also took place in June
when the pro-Kurdish People’s Democratic Party (HDP) won 13 per cent of
the vote in the Turkish general election, denying Mr Erdogan’s Justice
and Development Party (AKP) a majority for the first time since 2002. By
strongly playing the Turkish nationalist and anti-Kurdish card, Mr
Erdogan hopes to win back that majority in a second election on 1
November.
There are signs of a growing understanding in Washington
that the US was duped by the Turks, or at best its negotiators deceived
themselves when they agreed their bargain with Ankara. Senior US
military officers are anonymously protesting in the US media they did
not know that Turkey was pretending to be going after Isis when in
practice it was planning an offensive against its 18 million-strong
Kurdish minority.
Further evidence of misgivings in Washington came last week with an
article in The New York Times entitled “America’s Dangerous Bargain with
Turkey” by Eric S Edelman, former US ambassador to Turkey and
under-secretary for defence policy, who is normally regarded as a
neo-con of good standing. He accuses Mr Erdogan of unleashing “a new
wave of repression aimed at Kurds in Turkey, which risks plunging the
country into civil war” and he goes on to suggest that this might help
the AKP win back its majority, but will certainly undermine the fight
against Isis. He says: “By disrupting logistics and communications
between the PKK in Iraq and the PYD in Syria, Turkey is weakening the
most effective ground force fighting the Islamic State in Syria: the
Kurds.”
In fact, there is growing evidence that the Turkish
government has gone even further than that in weakening US allies
opposing Isis in Syria, Arab as well as Kurd. For several years the US
has been trying to build up a moderate force of Syrian rebels who are
able to fight both Isis and the Syrian government in Damascus. The
CIA-run initiative has not been going well because the Syrian military
opposition these days is almost entirely dominated by Isis, which holds
half Syria, the al-Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra, and the equally
sectarian Sunni Ahrar al-Sham.
But
in July, the US plan to create such a moderate force was humiliatingly
knocked on the head when Jabhat al-Nusra attacked and kidnapped many of
this US-trained force as they entered Syria from Turkey. It now seems
certain that Nusra had been tipped off by Turkish intelligence about the
movements of the US-backed unit known as “Division 30”. Turkey
apparently did this because it does not want the US to have its own
surrogate in Syria. According to an investigation by Mitchell Prothero
of the McClatchy news organisation, citing many Syrian sources in
Turkey, the Turkish motive was to destroy the US-run movement, which was
intended to number 15,000 fighters targeting Isis. Its disintegration
would leave the US with no alternative but to train Turkish-sponsored
rebel groups whose primary aim is to topple Syria’s President Bashar
al-Assad. The article quotes a Syrian rebel commander in the Turkish
city of Sanliurfa, 30 miles north of the Syrian border, as saying that
the Turks “don’t want anything bad to happen to their allies – Nusra and
Ahrar al-Sham – along the border, and they know that both the Americans
and the Syrian people will eventually recognise that there’s no
difference between groups such as Nusra, Ahrar and Daesh.”
How
does Isis itself assess the new US-Turkish accord? Its fighters may find
it more difficult to cross the Syrian-Turkish border, though even this
is uncertain. But it will be relieved that its most effective enemy in
Syria, the PYD, will in future be restrained by Turkish pressure. Its
PKK parent organisation is coming under sustained attack from Turkish
forces in south-east Turkey and in the Qandil Mountains of Iraq.
The destruction of one of the most famous temples at Palmyra
by Isis last week, and the decapitation of the site’s most famous
archaeologist a few days earlier, are a show of strength and acts of
defiance very much in the tradition of the Islamic State. The aim is to
dominate the news agenda, which can easily be done by some spectacular
atrocity, and thereby say, in effect, “you may hate what you are seeing,
but there is nothing you can do to stop it”.
And this is
demonstrably the case not just in Syria but in Iraq. Isis captured
Ramadi, the capital of Anbar province in Iraq on 17 May and Palmyra five
days later on 22 May. In neither case has there been an effective
counter-attack. Isis is still winning victories where it counts, and
faces no real threat to its existence.
The US campaign against
Isis is failing and the US-Turkish deal will not reverse that failure
and may make it more complete. Why did US negotiators allow themselves
to be deceived, if that is what happened. No doubt the US air force was
over-eager for the use of Incirlik so it would not have to fly its
planes from Jordan, Bahrain or carriers in the Gulf.
But there is a
deeper reason for America’s inability to confront Isis successfully.
Ever since 9/11, the US has wanted to combat al-Qaeda-type movements,
but without disturbing its close relations with Sunni states such as
Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the Gulf monarchies. But it is these
same allies that have fostered, tolerated or failed to act against the
al-Qaeda clones, which explains their continuing success.
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